The Cultural Analysis of Memento - 1208 Words

Memento is an odd but successful film, and it is also an outstanding and influential cultural work. As an unusual crime film, it uses unconventional non-linear narrative structure to tell a story that a man with a unique type of amnesia investigate his wife’s murder. However, if we watch carefully, we would find Memento involves the real social cultural background. Memento was released in 2000 when was the beginning to enter the 21st century. It was the time that technology was developing into another stage. There were many technological products in the markets. These products have changed our living ways, and in particular, they have made us record the memory in more various ways. The protagonist of the movie, Leonard Shelby, has a special condition which causes him to suffer from short term memory loss and not to be able to make new memory. He seeks to revenge the murder of his wife, so he uses extensive Polaroid photos, tattoos, and notes to help himself keep track of thing s. Otherwise, he would not have any idea about what or how to do, where to go and so on. The development of technology has let photographs and tattoos to become widespread. The Polaroid photos are created by a Polaroid instant camera which is a popular camera product. Today there are diverse camera products with different functions. Taking photographs has become a very common way to mark the memory. Tattoo is a type of folk artistic culture. People usually have special individual purposes to makeShow MoreRelatedUnderstanding Image and Visual Media Artifact Essay884 Words   |  4 PagesCritically analyzing of visual media artifact investigates visual culture. An analysis entails image interpretation of image equally applicable to genres of photographs as form of advertisement. In this paper, I will critically examine photographs. 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Causes and Effects of Global Warming Essay - 2371 Words

As Robert Frost once said, â€Å" Some say the world will end in fire, some say in ice. From what I’ve tasted of desire I hold with those who favor fire.† This excerpt can relate to the idea of global warming. Global warming can be defined as an increase in the earths average atmospheric temperature that causes corresponding changes in climate and that may result from the greenhouse effect. During the past 10,000 years the earth has been in an ever-growing cycle that has significantly changed the climate. These changes are becoming more prevalent in our world today in the past 150 years. Scientists have been analyzing the causes and effects of the greenhouse effect and many other issues that global warming has presented. As John Houghton†¦show more content†¦Aerosols have two major effects on the climate. They include direct and indirect radiation. â€Å" The cooling or warming of the atmosphere due to the reflective or absorbent properties of the particles ar e considered direct effects. Reflective particles cool the atmosphere by scattering energy from the sun back into space. Absorbent particles have the opposite effect. They add to atmospheric heating by absorbing the sun’s energy.† (Calipso Outreach) An indirect effect of aerosols is their roles on cloud condensation nuclei, CCN. The use of aerosols has a huge relationship with the amount of CCN present in a cloud. Clouds with more CCN, from the higher use of aerosols, are larger and more reflective than those with fewer CCN (Calipso Outreach). Since the clouds are more reflective, light is being trapped in the earth’s atmosphere. Ultimately creating the earths temperature to rise. In Calipso Outreach they explain, â€Å" The particles pushed into the atmosphere from a dust storm are made of minerals with both reflective and absorbent properties. 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calvin Essay Example For Students

calvin Essay This man, undoubtedly the greatest of ../cathen/12495a.htm divines, and perhaps, after ../cathen/02084a.htm, the most perseveringly followed by his disciples of any Western writer on theology, was born at Noyon in Picardy, France, 10 July, 1509, and died at Geneva, 27 May, 1564. A generation divided him from ../cathen/09438b.htm, whom he never met. By birth, education, and temper these two protagonists of the reforming movement were strongly contrasted. Luther was a Saxon peasant, his father a miner; Calvin sprang from the French middle-class, and his father, an attorney, had purchased the freedom of the City of Noyon, where he practised civil and canon law. Luther entered the Order of Augustinian Hermits, took a monks vows, was made a priest and incurred much odium by marrying a nun. Calvin never was ordained in the Catholic Church; his training was chiefly in law and the humanities; he took no vows. Luthers eloquence made him popular by its force, humour, rudeness, and vulgar style . Calvin spoke to the learned at all times, even when preaching before multitudes. His manner is classical; he reasons on system; he has little humour; instead of striking with a cudgel he uses the weapons of a deadly logic and persuades by a teachers authority, not by a demagogues calling of names. He writes French as well as Luther writes German, and like him has been reckoned a pioneer in the modern development of his native tongue. Lastly, if we term the doctor of Wittenberg a mystic, we may sum up Calvin as a scholastic; he gives articulate expression to the principles which Luther had stormily thrown out upon the world in his vehement pamphleteering; and the Institutes as they were left by their author have remained ever since the standard of orthodox ../cathen/12495a.htm belief in all the Churches known as ../cathen/12710a.htm His French disciples called their sect the religion; such it has proved to be outside the Roman world. The family name, spelt in many ways, was Cauvin latinized according to the custom of the age as Calvinus. For some unknown reason the Reformer is commonly called Matre Jean C. His mother, Jeanne Le Franc, born in the ../cathen/03209c.htm, is mentioned as beautiful and devout; she took her little son to various shrines and brought him up a good Catholic. On the fathers side, his ancestors were seafaring men. His grandfather settled at Pont lEvque near Paris, and had two sons who became locksmiths; the third was Gerard, who turned procurator at Noyon, and there his four sons and two daughters saw the light. He lived in the Place au Bl (Cornmarket). Noyon, a bishops see, had long been a fief of the powerful old family of Hangest, who treated it as their personal property. But an everlasting quarrel, in which the city took part, went on between the bishop and the chapter. Charles de Hangest, nephew of the too well-known Georges dAmboise, Archbishop of Rouen, surrendered the bishopric in 1525 to his own nephew John, becoming his vicar -general. John kept up the battle with his canons until the Parliament of Paris intervened, upon which he went to Rome, and at last died in Paris in 1577. This prelate had ../cathen/12495a.htm kinsfolk; he is charged with having fostered heresy which in those years was beginning to raise its head among the French. Clerical dissensions, at all events, allowed the new doctrines a promising field; and the Calvins were more or less infected by them before 1530. Gerards four sons were made clerics and held benefices at a tender age. The Reformer was given one when a boy of twelve, he became Cur of Saint-Martin de Marteville in the Vermandois in 1527, and of Pont lEveque in 1529. Three of the boys attended the local Collge des Capettes, and there John proved himself an apt scholar. But his people were intimate with greater folk, the de Montmor, a branch of the line of Hangest, which led to his accompanying some of their children to Paris in 1523, when his mother was probably dead and his father had married again. The latter died in 1531, under excommunication from the chapter for not sending in his accounts. The old mans illness, not his lack of honesty, was, we are told, the cause. Yet his son Charles, nettled by the censure, drew towards the ../cathen/12495a.htm doctrines. He was accused in 1534 of denying the Catholic dogma of the ../cathen/05572c.htm, and died out of the Church in 1536; his body was publicly gibbeted as that of a recusant. Meanwhile, young John was going through his own trials at the University of Paris, the dean or syndic of which, Noel Bdier, had stood up against ../cathen/05510b.htm and bore hard upon ../cathen/09114b.htm (Stapulensis), celebrated for his translation of the Bible into French. Calvin, a martinet, or oppidan, in the College de la Marche, made this mans acquaintance (he was from Picardy) and may have glanced into his Latin commentary on St. Paul, dated 1512, which Doumergue considers the first ../cathen/12495a.htm book emanating from a French pen. Another influence tending the same way was that of Corderius, Calvins tutor, to whom he dedicated afterwards his annotation of I Thessalonians, remarking, if there be any good thing in what I have published, I owe it to you. Corderius had an excellent Latin style, his life was austere, and his Colloquies earned him enduring fame. But he fell under suspicion of heresy, and by Calvins aid took refuge in Geneva, where he died September 1564. A third herald of the New Learning was George Cop, physician to Francis I, in whose house Calvin found a welcome and gave ear to the religious discussions which Cop favoured. And a fourth was Pierre-Robert dOlivet of Noyon, who also translated the Scriptures, our youthful man of letters, his nephew, writing (in 1535) a Latin preface to the Old Testament and a French one his first appearance as a native author to the New Testament. By 1527, when no more than eighteen, Calvins educatlon was complete in its main lines. He had lea rned to be a humanist and a reformer. The sudden conversion to a spiritual life in 1529, of which he speaks, must not be taken quite literally. He had never been an ardent Catholic; but the stories told at one time of his ill-regulated conduct have no foundation; and by a very natural process he went over to the side on which his family were taking their stand. In 1528 he inscribed himself at Orlans as a law student, made friends with Francis Daniel, and then went for a year to Bourges, where he began preaching in private. Margaret dAngoulme, sister of Francis I, and Duchess of Berry, was living there with many heterodox Germans about her. He is found again at Paris in 1531. Wolmar had taught him Greek at Bourges; from Vatable he learned Hebrew; and he entertained some relations with the erudite Budaeus. About this date he printed a commentary on Senecas De Clementi. It was merely an exercise in scholarship, having no political significance. Francis I was, indeed, handling ../cathen /12495a.htm severely, and Calvin, now Doctor of Law at Orlans, composed, so the story runs, an oration on Christian philosophy which Nicholas Cop delivered on All Saints Day, 1532, both writer and speaker having to take instant flight from pursuit by the royal inquisitors. This legend has been rejected by modern critics. Calvin spent some time, however, with Canon du Tillet at Angoulme under a feigned designation. In May, 1534, he went to Noyon, gave up his benefice, and, it is said, was imprisoned. But he got away to Nerac in Bearn, the residence of the Duchess Margaret, and there again encountered Le Fvre, whose French Bible had been condemned by the Sorbonne to the flames. His next visit to Paris fell out during a violent campaign of the Lutherans against the ../cathen/10006a.htm, which brought on reprisals, Etienne de la Forge and others were burnt in the Place de Grve; and Calvin accompanied by du Tillet, escaped though not without adventures to Metz and Strasburg. In the lat ter city Bucer reigned supreme. The leading reformers dictated laws from the pulpit to their adherents, and this journey proved a decisive one for the French humanist, who, though by nature timid and shy, committed himself to a war on paper with his own sovereign. The famous letter to Francis I is dated 23 August, 1535. It served as a prologue to the Institutes, of which the first edition came out in March, 1536, not in French but in Latin. Calvins apology for lecturing the king was, that placards denouncing the ../cathen/12495a.htm as rebels had been posted up all over the realm. Francis I did not read these pages, but if he had done so he would have discovered in them a plea, not for toleration, which the Reformer utterly scorned, but for doing away with Catholicism in favour of the new gospel. There could be only one true Church, said the young theologian, therefore kings ought to make an utter end of popery. (For an account of the Institutes see ../cathen/03198a.htm) The second edition belongs to 1539, the first French translation to 1541; the final Latin, as revised by its author, is of 1559; but that in common use, dated 1560, has additions by his disciples. It was more Gods work than mine, said Calvin, who took for his motto Omnia ad Dei gloriam, and in allusion to the change he had undergone in 1529 assumed for his device a hand stretched out from a burning heart. A much disputed chapter in Calvins biography is the visit which he was long thought to have paid at Ferraro to the ../cathen/12495a.htm Duchess Rene, daughter of Louis XII. Many stories clustered about his journey, now given up by the best-informed writers. All we know for certain is that the Reformer, after settling his family affairs and bringing over two of his brothers and sisters to the views he had adopted undertook, in consequence of the war between ../cathen/03625a.htm and Francis I, to reach Bale by way of Geneva, in July, 1536. At Geneva the Swiss preacher Fare, then looking for hel p in his propaganda, besought him with such vehemence to stay and teach theology that, as Calvin himself relates, he was terrified into submission. We are not accustomed to fancy the austere prophet so easily frightened. But as a student and recluse new to public responsibilities, he may well have hesitated before plunging into the troubled waters of Geneva, then at their stormiest period. No portrait of him belonging to this time is extant. Later he is represented as of middle height, with bent shoulders, piercing eyes, and a large forehead; his hair was of an auburn tinge. Study and fasting occasioned the severe headaches from which he suffered continually. In private life he was cheerful but sensitive, not to say overbearing, his friends treated him with delicate consideration. His habits were simple; he cared nothing for wealth, and he never allowed himself a holiday. His correspondence, of which 4271 letters remain, turns chiefly on doctrinal subjects. Yet his strong, reserved character told on all with whom he came in contact; Geneva submitted to his theocratic rule, and the ../cathen/12710a.htm accepted his teaching as though it were infallible. Such was the stranger whom Farel recommended to his fellow ../cathen/12495a.htm, this Frenchman, chosen to lecture on the Bible in a city divided against itself. Geneva had about 15,000 inhabitants. Its bishop had long been its prince limited, however, by popular privileges. The vidomne, or mayor, was the Count of Savoy, and to his family the bishopric seemed a property which, from 1450, they bestowed on their younger children. John of Savoy, illegitimate son of the previous bishop, sold his rights to the duke, who was head of the clan, and died in 1519 at Pignerol. Jean de la Baume, last of its ecclesiastical princes, abandoned the city, which received ../cathen/12495a.htm teachers from Berne in 1519 and from Fribourg in 1526. In 1527 the arms of Savoy were torn down; in 1530 the Catholic party underwent defeat , and Geneva became independent. It had two councils, but the final verdict on public measures rested with the people. These appointed Farel, a convert of Le Fevre, as their preacher in 1534. A discussion between the two Churches from 30 May to 24 June, 1535 ended in victory for the ../cathen/12495a.htm. The altars were desecrated, the sacred images broken, the Mass done away with. Bernese troops entered and the Gospel was accepted, 21 May, 1536. This implied persecution of Catholics by the councils which acted both as Church and State. Priests were thrown into prison; citizens were fined for not attending sermons. At Zrich, Basle, and Berne the same laws were established. Toleration did not enter into the ideas of the time. But though Calvin had not introduced this legislation, it was mainly by his influence that in January, 1537 the articles were voted which insisted on communion four times a year, set spies on delinquents, established a moral censorship, and punished the unruly w ith excommunication. There was to be a childrens catechism, which he drew up; it ranks among his best writings. The city now broke into jurants and nonjurors for many would not swear to the articles; indeed, they never were completely accepted. Questions had arisen with Berne touching points that Calvin judged to be indifferent. He made a figure in the debates at Lausanne defending the freedom of Geneva. But disorders ensued at home, where recusancy was yet rife; in 1538 the council exiled Farel, Calvin, and the blind evangelist, Couraud. The Reformer went to Strasburg, became the guest of Capito and Bucer, and in 1539 was explaining the New Testament to French refugees at fifty two florins a year. Cardinal Sadolet had addressed an open letter to the Genevans, which their exile now answered. Sadolet urged that schism was a crime; Calvin replied that the Roman Church was corrupt. He gained applause by his keen debating powers at Hagenau, Worms, and Ratisbon. But he complains of his p overty and ill-health, which did not prevent him from marrying at this time Idelette de Bure, the widow of an Anabaptist whom he had converted. Nothing more is known of this lady, except that she brought him a son who died almost at birth in 1542, and that her own death took place in 1549. After some negotiation Ami Perrin, commissioner for Geneva, persuaded Calvin to return. He did so, not very willingly, on 13 September, 1541. His entry was modest enough. The church constitution now recognized pastors, doctors, elders, deacons but supreme power was given to the magistrate. Ministers had the spiritual weapon of Gods word; the consistory never, as such, wielded the secular arm Preachers, led by Calvin, and the councils, instigated by his opponents, came frequently into collision. Yet the ordinances of 1541 were maintained; the clergy, assisted by lay elders, governed despotically and in detail the actions of every citizen. A presbyterian Sparta might be seen at Geneva; it set an exa mple to later Puritans, who did all in their power to imitate its discipline. The pattern held up was that of the Old Testament, although Christians were supposed to enjoy Gospel liberty. In November, 1552, the Council declared that Calvins Institutes were a holy doctrine which no man might speak against. Thus the State issued dogmatic decrees, the force of which had been anticipated earlier, as when Jacques Gouet was imprisoned on charges of impiety in June, 1547, and after severe torture was beheaded in July. Some of the accusations brought against the unhappy young man were frivolous, others doubtful. What share, if any, Calvin took in this judgment is not easy to ascertain. The execution of however must be laid at his door; it has given greater offence by far than the banishment of Castellio or the penalties inflicted on Bolsec moderate men opposed to extreme views in discipline and doctrine, who fell under suspicion as reactionary. The Reformer did not shrink from his self-app ointed task. Within five years fifty-eight sentences of death and seventy-six of exile, besides numerous committals of the most eminent citizens to prison, took place in Geneva. The iron yoke could not be shaken off. In 1555, under Ami Perrin, a sort of revolt was attempted. No blood was shed, but Perrin lost the day, and Calvins theocracy triumphed. I am more deeply scandalized, wrote Gibbon at the single execution of Servetus than at the hecatombs which have blazed in the autos-da-f of Spain and Portugal. He ascribes the enmity of Calvin to personal malice and perhaps envy. The facts of the case are pretty well ascertained. Born in 1511, perhaps at Tudela, Michael Served y Reves studied at Toulouse and was present in Bologna at the coronation of ../cathen/03625a.htm. He travelled in Germany and brought out in 1531 at Hagenau his treatise De Trinitatis Erroribus, a strong Unitarian work which made much commotion among the more orthodox Reformers. He met Calvin and disputed with him at Paris in 1534, became corrector of the press at Lyons; gave attention to medicine, discovered the lesser circulation of the blood, and entered into a fatal correspondence with the dictator of Geneva touching a new volume Christianismi Restitutio, which he intended to publish. In 1546 the exchange of letters ceased. The Reformer called Servetus arrogant (he had dared to criticize the Institutes in marginal glosses), and uttered the significant menace, If he comes here and I have any authority, I will never let him leave the place alive. The Restitutio appeared in 1553. Calvin at once had its author delated to the Dominican inquisitor Ory at Lyons, sending on to him the mans letters of 1545-46 and these glosses. Hereupon the Spaniard was imprisoned at Vienne, but he escaped by friendly connivance, and was burnt there only in effigy. Some extraordinary fascination drew him to Geneva, from which he intended to pass the Alps. He arrived on 13 August, 1553. The next day Calvin, who ha d remarked him at the sermon, got his critic arrested, the preachers own secretary coming forward to accuse him. Calvin drew up forty articles of charge under three heads, concerning the ../cathen/06612a.htm, infant baptism, and the attack which Servetus had ventured on his own teaching. The council hesitated before taking a deadly decision, but the dictator, reinforced by Farel, drove them on. In prison the culprit suffered much and loudly complained. The Bernese and other Swiss voted for some indefinite penalty. But to Calvin his power in Geneva seemed lost, while the stigma of heresy; as he insisted, would cling to all ../cathen/12495a.htm if this innovator were not put to death. Let the world see Bullinger counselled him, that Geneva wills the glory of Christ. Accordingly, sentence was pronounced 26 October, 1553, of burning at the stake. Tomorrow he dies, wrote Calvin to Farel. When the deed was done, the Reformer alleged that he had been anxious to mitigate the punishment, but of this fact no record appears in the documents. He disputed with Servetus on the day of execution and saw the end. A defence and apology next year received the adhesion of the Genevan ministers. Melanchthon, who had taken deep umbrage at the blasphemies of the Spanish Unitarian, strongly approved in well-known words. But a group that included Castellio published at Basle in 1554 a pamphlet with the title, Should heretics be persecuted? It is considered the first plea for toleration in modern times. Beza replied by an argument for the affirmative, couched in violent terms; and Calvin, whose favorite disciple he was, translated it into French in 1559. The dialogue, Vaticanus, written against the Pope of Geneva by Castellio, did not get into print until 1612. Freedom of opinion, as Gibbon remarks, was the consequence rather than the design of the ../cathen/12700b.htm. Another victim to his fiery zeal was Gentile, one of an Italian sect in Geneva, which also numbered among its adheren ts Alciati and Gribaldo. As more or less Unitarian in their views, they were required to sign a confession drawn up by Calvin in 1558. Gentile subscribed it reluctantly, but in the upshot he was condemned and imprisoned as a perjurer. He escaped only to be twice incarcerated at Berne, where in 1566, he was beheaded. Calvins impassioned polemic against these Italians betrays fear of the ../cathen/14113a.htm which was to lay waste his vineyard. Politically he leaned on the French refugees, now abounding in the city, and more than equal in energy if not in numbers to the older native factions. Opposition died out. His continual preaching, represented by 2300 sermons extant in the manuscripts and a vast correspondence, gave to the Reformer an influence without example in his closing years. He wrote to Edward VI, helped in revising the ../cathen/02678c.htm, and intervened between the rival English parties abroad during the ../cathen/09766a.htm period. In the ../cathen/07527b.htm troubl es he sided with the more moderate. His censure of the conspiracy of Amboise in 1560 does him honour. One great literary institution founded by him, the College, afterwards the University, of Geneva, flourished exceedingly. The students were mostly French. When Beza was rector it had nearly 1500 students of various grades. Geneva now sent out pastors to the French congregations and was looked upon as the ../cathen/12495a.htm Rome. Through ../cathen/08680a.htm, the Scottish champion of the Swiss Reformation, who had been preacher to the exiles in that city, his native land accepted the discipline of the Presbytery and the doctrine of predestination as expounded in Calvins Institutes. The Puritans in England were also descendants of the French theologian. His dislike of theatres, dancing and the amenities of society was fully shared by them. The town on Lake Leman was described as without crime and destitute of amusements. Calvin declaimed against the Libertines, but there is no evide nce that any such people had a footing inside its walls The cold, hard, but upright disposition characteristic of the ../cathen/12710a.htm, less genial than that derived from Luther, is due entirely to their founder himself. Its essence is a concentrated pride, a love of disputation, a scorn of opponents. The only art that it tolerates is music, and that not instrumental. It will have no ../cathen/06021b.htm in its calendar, and it is austere to the verge of ../cathen/09591a.htm hatred of the body. When dogma fails the ../cathen/03198a.htm, he becomes, as in the instance of Carlyle, almost a pure Stoic. At Geneva, as for a time in Scotland, says J. A. Froude, moral sins were treated as crimes to be punished by the magistrate. The Bible was a code of law, administered by the clergy. Down to his dying day Calvin preached and taught. By no means an aged man, he was worn out in these frequent controversies. On 25 April, 1564, he made his will, leaving 225 French crowns, of which he bequ eathed ten to his college, ten to the poor, and the remainder to his nephews and nieces. His last letter was addressed to Farel. He was buried without pomp, in a spot which is not now ascertainable. In the year 1900 a monument of expiation was erected to Servetus in the Place Champel. Geneva has long since ceased to be the head of ../cathen/03198a.htm. It is a rallying point for ../cathen/06258b.htm, ../cathen/14062a.htm propaganda, and ../cathen/11074a.htm conspiracies. But in history it stands out as the Sparta of the ../cathen/12710a.htm, and Calvin is its Epidemiology in Nutrition Essay

”Hard Times” by Charles Dickens Essay Sample free essay sample

Josiah Bounderby falsely claims his success in life was a consequence of his difficult work and neer having aid from anyone in Charles Dickens’ Hard Times. Claiming to be a self-made adult male grants Mr. Bounderby broad esteem in Coketown. with the exclusion of Tom and Louisa Gradgrind and Mrs. Sparsit. who perceive him to be an impudent individual. Tom mirrors Mr. Bounderby’s selfish and hypocritical personality. but blames the old adult male for his stiff upbringing. Louisa can non look up to Mr. Bounderby while he unashamedly objectifies her when prosecuting her romantically. At the same clip. Mrs. Sparsit values Mr. Bounderby’s ability to assist her preserve her societal rank in Coketown instead than his accomplishments. These three characters see Mr. Bounderby though different points of position in comparing to the remainder of Coketown. influenced by the the function he plays in their lives. Similar to Mr. We will write a custom essay sample on †Hard Times† by Charles Dickens Essay Sample or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Bounderby. Tom claims to be a self-made adult male. However. Tom deems him to be unsophisticated. Upon Tom and Mr. Bounderby’s foremost encounter with Mr. Harthouse. Mr. Bounderby aggrandizes the â€Å"exact deepness of the trough [ he had ] lifted himself out of. better [ than ] any man† ( 120 ) . On the other manus. Tom first takes â€Å"an observation of his friend. † before enjoying about his ability to pull strings his manner to Mr. Bounderby’s side ( 127 ) . The bizarre behaviour Mr. Bounderby introduces himself has him look crackbrained in visible radiation of Tom’s composure and cautious attack. Tom’s careful appraisal of Mr. Harthouse alludes to his character’s dark attributes that manifest from his hate for Mr. Bounderby. Tom is profoundly disturbed as a consequence of his upbringing. for that ground he can non forgive Mr. Bounderby’s function in it. During a conversation with Louisa. Tom reveals his desire to â€Å"collect all the Facts†¦ and all the Figures. and all the people who found them. † so â€Å"put a thousand barrels of gunpowder under them. and blow them all together† ( 23 ) . The in writing phantasy Tom communicates to his sister depicting the annihilation of Thomas Gradgrind and Mr. Bounderby e xemplifies his dissatisfaction with himself and his bitterness towards them. Tom can non look up to Mr. Bounderby for his self-realized success because Tom blames him for his unrealized life. cognizing lone facts and nil on accomplishing felicity. Louisa portions Tom’s bitterness towards Mr. Bounderby and perceives him to be â€Å"a great trade rougher and non half so kind† ( 54 ) . Mr. Bounderby’s romantic chases aggravate Louisa. which consequence in her deficiency of regard. At the start of the novel. Louisa and Tom are caught by their male parent glancing into the circus and Mr. Bounderby guides their father’s choler towards the circus people alternatively of the kids. after which Mr. Bounderby harrasses Louisa for a buss as agencies of compensation. She raises her cheek â€Å"ungraciously† for him and one time he is gone she rubs the same cheek until â€Å"it was firing red† denoting to her brother that he could â€Å"cut the piece out with [ his ] penknife† and she â€Å"wouldn’t cry† ( 25 ) . More disturbed by his romantic chases than his engagement in her childhood. Mr. Bounderby abandons his function of guardian to one of an antagonizer in Louisa’s life. Mrs. Sparsit is obsessed with keeping a good societal ranking after her blue elect household fell to hard times and recognizes that Mr. Bounderby is the best manner to accomplish her end. Although Mrs. Sparsit needs Mr. Bounderby. she does non esteem him while taking â€Å"such commiseration on Mr. Bounderby to his face† so calls â€Å"his portrayal a Noodle to its face. with the greatest bitterness and contempt† after his bank had been robbed ( 188 ) . Mrs. Sparsit is a dissembler to Mr. Bounderby. whom she perceives as a simpleton. so that she may be able to remain in is good graces since she depends on him to maintain her respectable in the eyes of society. Furthermore. Mrs. Sparsit cares small about the alterations in Mr. Bounderby’s life. since they are non friends. as long they do non impact her societal ranking. After get marrieding Louisa. Mr. Bounderby offers Mrs. Sparsit an flat at the Bank to which her lone concern was non â€Å"‘descending lower in the societal scale’† ( 102 ) . Incarnating pure egoism. Mrs. Sparsit uses Mr. Bounderby as a tool which she manipulates to acquire what she desires. Coketown’s Utilitarian-like society allow Mr. Bounderby to ridiculously glee about his supposed self-made success ; however. Tom and Louisa Gradgrind. along with Mrs. Sparsit all take offense to Mr. Bounderby. The function Mr. Bounderby plays in each of the characters’ lives helps them admit his defect which prevent them from look up toing him. Tom’s bitterness. Louisa’s abhor of his romantic chases. and Mrs. Sparsit’s egoism all let them to stay unphased by Mr. Bounderby†™s repute. Work Cited Dickens. Charles. Hard Times. New York: Oxford UP. 2008. Print.